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Romney, Weighing Run, Leans on State PACs

It is, after all, not a critical early-voting state for the Republican nomination, where these kinds of leadership PACs are often set up by potential presidential candidates.

Upon closer inspection, though, Mr. Romney?s interest in Alabama snaps into focus. The state has among the most permissive campaign finance rules in the nation, allowing contributions of unlimited size from individuals and corporations.

As a result, the Alabama affiliate of Mr. Romney?s federal PAC, Free and Strong America, has raised more than $440,000 this year, with many of the contributions amounting to tens of thousands of dollars each.

Yet it has donated $21,500 ? less than 5 percent of what it has raised ? to state and local candidates in Alabama, for which these state PACs are ostensibly intended. (The PAC also contributed $3,500 to Nikki Haley?s successful campaign for governor in South Carolina.)

Instead, a vast majority of the just over $300,000 Mr. Romney?s Alabama PAC has reported spending this year has been directed back to the Boston headquarters of Free and Strong America, paying for, among other expenses, a significant part of the salaries of Mr. Romney?s political staff, who will almost certainly form the core of his presidential campaign if he decides to run.

The financing Mr. Romney has used, leaning on not only his Alabama PAC but also on similar vehicles in other states, allows him to tiptoe around federal campaign finance limits. It also illustrates how potential candidates willing to be creative with the nation?s Rube Goldberg-like campaign finance system can manipulate it to their greatest benefit ? and Mr. Romney has been by far the most assertive in this approach among those believed to be weighing bids for the Republican nomination.

Leadership PACs cannot, by law, be used to finance a presidential run, but they can distribute money to other candidates, help pay for travel and even finance the nucleus of a political operation. In the process, the PACs must be careful not to cross over into actually footing the bill for a presidential candidacy.

Mr. Romney is testing these limitations, as are other potential 2012 contenders, like Gov. Tim Pawlenty of Minnesota, who has set up state PACs in Iowa and New Hampshire, along with a federal PAC. But Mr. Romney has gone further in squeezing maximum legal advantage in other areas.

It is generally illegal for a state-based PAC, like Mr. Romney?s Alabama affiliate, to finance activity geared toward federal elections. In other words, money raised by the state PAC is not supposed to be used for work on federal races, as opposed to contests at the state and local level.

In his filings with the election commission, Mr. Romney is essentially contending that his leadership PAC?s work is divided evenly between federal and non-federal election activities and that the financing of administrative expenses is accordingly divided between the state and federal PACs.

As a result, for example, roughly half the salary of Eric Fehrnstrom, a senior adviser to Mr. Romney who was his traveling press secretary in his 2008 presidential run, is paid for by the federal PAC, while the rest is divided up by the state-based PACs Mr. Romney has set up in Alabama, Iowa, Michigan, New Hampshire and South Carolina.

Not surprisingly, the PACs in the three states that do not cap donations to these kinds of organizations ? Alabama, Iowa and Michigan ? pay the largest parts of Mr. Fehrnstrom?s salary, as well other expenses of the federal committee, with the Alabama PAC assuming the biggest share.

The Alabama entity has covered a little less than 20 percent of Mr. Fehrnstrom?s salary, which has totaled about $75,000, according to the most recent campaign finance filings available. It has provided a similar percentage of the roughly $50,000 that the PACs have reported paying this year to Matt Rhoades, the group?s executive director who was the 2008 Romney campaign?s research director, and paid Beth Myers, formerly Mr. Romney?s campaign manager, about 13 percent of the more than $75,000 in consulting fees she has taken in this year. Mr. Romney?s federal PAC has covered about 50 percent of their salaries, with the state PACs taking on the rest.

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Romney, Weighing Run, Leans on State PACs

It is, after all, not a critical early-voting state for the Republican nomination, where these kinds of leadership PACs are often set up by potential presidential candidates.

Upon closer inspection, though, Mr. Romney?s interest in Alabama snaps into focus. The state has among the most permissive campaign finance rules in the nation, allowing contributions of unlimited size from individuals and corporations.

As a result, the Alabama affiliate of Mr. Romney?s federal PAC, Free and Strong America, has raised more than $440,000 this year, with many of the contributions amounting to tens of thousands of dollars each.

Yet it has donated $21,500 ? less than 5 percent of what it has raised ? to state and local candidates in Alabama, for which these state PACs are ostensibly intended. (The PAC also contributed $3,500 to Nikki Haley?s successful campaign for governor in South Carolina.)

Instead, a vast majority of the just over $300,000 Mr. Romney?s Alabama PAC has reported spending this year has been directed back to the Boston headquarters of Free and Strong America, paying for, among other expenses, a significant part of the salaries of Mr. Romney?s political staff, who will almost certainly form the core of his presidential campaign if he decides to run.

The financing Mr. Romney has used, leaning on not only his Alabama PAC but also on similar vehicles in other states, allows him to tiptoe around federal campaign finance limits. It also illustrates how potential candidates willing to be creative with the nation?s Rube Goldberg-like campaign finance system can manipulate it to their greatest benefit ? and Mr. Romney has been by far the most assertive in this approach among those believed to be weighing bids for the Republican nomination.

Leadership PACs cannot, by law, be used to finance a presidential run, but they can distribute money to other candidates, help pay for travel and even finance the nucleus of a political operation. In the process, the PACs must be careful not to cross over into actually footing the bill for a presidential candidacy.

Mr. Romney is testing these limitations, as are other potential 2012 contenders, like Gov. Tim Pawlenty of Minnesota, who has set up state PACs in Iowa and New Hampshire, along with a federal PAC. But Mr. Romney has gone further in squeezing maximum legal advantage in other areas.

It is generally illegal for a state-based PAC, like Mr. Romney?s Alabama affiliate, to finance activity geared toward federal elections. In other words, money raised by the state PAC is not supposed to be used for work on federal races, as opposed to contests at the state and local level.

In his filings with the election commission, Mr. Romney is essentially contending that his leadership PAC?s work is divided evenly between federal and non-federal election activities and that the financing of administrative expenses is accordingly divided between the state and federal PACs.

As a result, for example, roughly half the salary of Eric Fehrnstrom, a senior adviser to Mr. Romney who was his traveling press secretary in his 2008 presidential run, is paid for by the federal PAC, while the rest is divided up by the state-based PACs Mr. Romney has set up in Alabama, Iowa, Michigan, New Hampshire and South Carolina.

Not surprisingly, the PACs in the three states that do not cap donations to these kinds of organizations ? Alabama, Iowa and Michigan ? pay the largest parts of Mr. Fehrnstrom?s salary, as well other expenses of the federal committee, with the Alabama PAC assuming the biggest share.

The Alabama entity has covered a little less than 20 percent of Mr. Fehrnstrom?s salary, which has totaled about $75,000, according to the most recent campaign finance filings available. It has provided a similar percentage of the roughly $50,000 that the PACs have reported paying this year to Matt Rhoades, the group?s executive director who was the 2008 Romney campaign?s research director, and paid Beth Myers, formerly Mr. Romney?s campaign manager, about 13 percent of the more than $75,000 in consulting fees she has taken in this year. Mr. Romney?s federal PAC has covered about 50 percent of their salaries, with the state PACs taking on the rest.

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Thinking Outside the In-box

Search the Internet, and you'll find hundreds of applications designed to help you collaborate with other people more effectively. But examine your own habits, and you'll most likely find that you use just one piece of software for that purpose: an e-mail client.

You're not alone. A recent Forrester Research study found that 83 percent of business users typically send e-mail attachments to colleagues rather than using collaboration software. According to a recent survey by technology consulting company People-OnTheGo, the average information worker spends 3.3 hours a day dealing with e-mail, and 65 percent of such workers have their e-mail client open all the time.

Even Facebook, which once seemed like a likely replacement for e-mail, at least for the young and plugged-in, has acknowledged that e-mail isn't going anywhere. On Monday, the company announced a new messaging service that integrates external e-mail with its own internal messaging system?an admission of the staying power of e-mail, and an attempt to enhance its functionality.

Other software makers seem to have accepted that they'll never pull people's attention away from their e-mail in-boxes. Instead, they're looking to add new collaborative and social capabilities to e-mail.

"It's clear that e-mail is being used and even abused," says Yaacov Cohen, CEO of Mainsoft, a company based in Tel Aviv, Israel, that sells a plug-in called Harmon.ie. The plug-in links an e-mail application to a collaboration platform such as Google Docs, and to a person's social networking profiles, calendar applications, voice over Internet protocol software, and so on. To share a document using Harmon.ie, a user drags it from a sidebar to the body of a message, where it becomes a link. When the recipient clicks on the link, she is taken to the document stored in the chosen collaboration software. Using e-mail alone for collaboration creates confusion and overloads in-boxes, Cohen says.

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Fractured Democrats Keep Pelosi as Leader

Ms. Pelosi, who will hand over the speaker?s gavel at the beginning of the new Congress in January when Republicans assume control, defeated Representative Heath Shuler, a conservative from North Carolina, by a vote of 150 to 43. On an earlier vote that some Democrats framed as a proxy on Ms. Pelosi, her supporters beat back an effort to delay the leadership showdown to allow more review of the election by 129 to 68.

Her ability to prevail after a severe midterm drubbing showed deep loyalty among elements of her caucus for the work Ms. Pelosi did to first win and then hold the majority for four years. But the votes for Mr. Shuler and, more tellingly, the substantial support for delaying the election were evidence that Ms. Pelosi is now the leader of a fractured caucus and could have difficulty retaining the tight control she has had on House Democrats in recent years.

After the vote, Ms. Pelosi spelled out why she thought her colleagues were willing to keep her at the top even after Republicans won at least 61 Democratic seats on Nov. 2

?Because I?m an effective leader, because we got the job done on health care and Wall Street reform and consumer protection ? the list goes on,? she said. ?Because they know that I?m the person that can attract the resources, both intellectual and otherwise, to take us to victory because I have done it before.?

On the Republican side, Representative John A. Boehner of Ohio was, as expected, picked as the new majority?s candidate for speaker, virtually assuring him of the highest office in the House when the 112th Congress convenes on Jan. 5. He won the right to be the nation?s 61st speaker on his 61st birthday and, adding to the numerological coincidence, the day House Republicans picked up their 61st seat in the election. Representative Eric Cantor of Virginia will serve as majority leader for the Republican Party.

But the chief focus was on the elections in the Democratic ranks, given the steep losses that occurred on Ms. Pelosi?s watch and the public sentiment expressed by more than two dozen Democrats that she should step aside.

Ms. Pelosi, 70, a San Francisco liberal who was first elected minority leader in 2002, became a favorite foil in Republican advertising as the party sought to tie Democratic candidates to her ideology. Moderate lawmakers joined others in the caucus in arguing that Democrats need a new leader if they are to win back the majority in 2012, pointing particularly to difficulties they could have in recruiting candidates in the more conservative districts they will need to take back.

?It?s time for new leadership after the worst electoral defeat since 1948,? said Representative Jim Cooper, Democrat of Tennessee.

Some of the Democrats defeated this month counseled strongly against keeping Ms. Pelosi, and one did not mince words. ?Have they lost their minds?? asked Representative Allen Boyd, a defeated Democrat, as he passed by the Cannon Caucus Room, where the election was occurring.

But her allies said Ms. Pelosi was the party?s best fund-raiser, had been unfairly maligned by Republicans who saw her as too effective and merited the loyalty of House Democrats whom she had led to the promised land of the majority in 2006 after 14 years out of power .

?How can we fold on this woman when she is not folding on us?? Representative Mike Doyle of Pennsylvania asked his colleagues in the closed-door meeting, according to officials present.

Representative Xavier Becerra, a Pelosi ally from California, said, ?She has led us, and she has led us to historic heights.?

Mr. Shuler said that he never expected to win but that he wanted to give his colleagues an opportunity to express their opposition. He said his support exceeded his expectations.

?There was a lot of unrest in the room,? said Mr. Shuler, who said he did not intend to vote for Ms. Pelosi as speaker during a formal roll-call vote at the start of the new Congress. Other conservative Democrats said they would vote for Mr. Shuler instead of Ms. Pelosi even though members of the minority party traditionally vote for their leader in what is a formality.

Supporters of Ms. Pelosi acknowledged the division among House Democrats but said she had the strong backing of most of them. They predicted the issue would fade in the coming weeks.

?When you lose like that, there is no clear answer,? Representative Barney Frank, Democrat of Massachusetts, said of the midterms. ?But I don?t think this will be on anyone?s radar screen very long.?

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Fractured Democrats Keep Pelosi as Leader

Ms. Pelosi, who will hand over the speaker?s gavel at the beginning of the new Congress in January when Republicans assume control, defeated Representative Heath Shuler, a conservative from North Carolina, by a vote of 150 to 43. On an earlier vote that some Democrats framed as a proxy on Ms. Pelosi, her supporters beat back an effort to delay the leadership showdown to allow more review of the election by 129 to 68.

Her ability to prevail after a severe midterm drubbing showed deep loyalty among elements of her caucus for the work Ms. Pelosi did to first win and then hold the majority for four years. But the votes for Mr. Shuler and, more tellingly, the substantial support for delaying the election were evidence that Ms. Pelosi is now the leader of a fractured caucus and could have difficulty retaining the tight control she has had on House Democrats in recent years.

After the vote, Ms. Pelosi spelled out why she thought her colleagues were willing to keep her at the top even after Republicans won at least 61 Democratic seats on Nov. 2

?Because I?m an effective leader, because we got the job done on health care and Wall Street reform and consumer protection ? the list goes on,? she said. ?Because they know that I?m the person that can attract the resources, both intellectual and otherwise, to take us to victory because I have done it before.?

On the Republican side, Representative John A. Boehner of Ohio was, as expected, picked as the new majority?s candidate for speaker, virtually assuring him of the highest office in the House when the 112th Congress convenes on Jan. 5. He won the right to be the nation?s 61st speaker on his 61st birthday and, adding to the numerological coincidence, the day House Republicans picked up their 61st seat in the election. Representative Eric Cantor of Virginia will serve as majority leader for the Republican Party.

But the chief focus was on the elections in the Democratic ranks, given the steep losses that occurred on Ms. Pelosi?s watch and the public sentiment expressed by more than two dozen Democrats that she should step aside.

Ms. Pelosi, 70, a San Francisco liberal who was first elected minority leader in 2002, became a favorite foil in Republican advertising as the party sought to tie Democratic candidates to her ideology. Moderate lawmakers joined others in the caucus in arguing that Democrats need a new leader if they are to win back the majority in 2012, pointing particularly to difficulties they could have in recruiting candidates in the more conservative districts they will need to take back.

?It?s time for new leadership after the worst electoral defeat since 1948,? said Representative Jim Cooper, Democrat of Tennessee.

Some of the Democrats defeated this month counseled strongly against keeping Ms. Pelosi, and one did not mince words. ?Have they lost their minds?? asked Representative Allen Boyd, a defeated Democrat, as he passed by the Cannon Caucus Room, where the election was occurring.

But her allies said Ms. Pelosi was the party?s best fund-raiser, had been unfairly maligned by Republicans who saw her as too effective and merited the loyalty of House Democrats whom she had led to the promised land of the majority in 2006 after 14 years out of power .

?How can we fold on this woman when she is not folding on us?? Representative Mike Doyle of Pennsylvania asked his colleagues in the closed-door meeting, according to officials present.

Representative Xavier Becerra, a Pelosi ally from California, said, ?She has led us, and she has led us to historic heights.?

Mr. Shuler said that he never expected to win but that he wanted to give his colleagues an opportunity to express their opposition. He said his support exceeded his expectations.

?There was a lot of unrest in the room,? said Mr. Shuler, who said he did not intend to vote for Ms. Pelosi as speaker during a formal roll-call vote at the start of the new Congress. Other conservative Democrats said they would vote for Mr. Shuler instead of Ms. Pelosi even though members of the minority party traditionally vote for their leader in what is a formality.

Supporters of Ms. Pelosi acknowledged the division among House Democrats but said she had the strong backing of most of them. They predicted the issue would fade in the coming weeks.

?When you lose like that, there is no clear answer,? Representative Barney Frank, Democrat of Massachusetts, said of the midterms. ?But I don?t think this will be on anyone?s radar screen very long.?

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Reflections on Loss and Acceptance From Those Swept Out of Congress

But as giddy freshmen lawmakers arrived at the Capitol this week ? some of them walking along the elaborately tiled floors for the first time ? some senior lawmakers talked openly of feeling swept away by a tidal wave of voter sentiment.

?I?ve been doing this a long time, and then all of the sudden you?ve been cast aside,? said Representative Michael N. Castle, 71, the Delaware Republican who was defeated in his Senate primary bid by Christine O?Donnell this fall.

He ponders daily, he said, which is preferable: to falter in a tight race with a Democratic opponent, or to have lost in the primary, as he did, to the inexperienced Tea Party candidate who never had a shot in the general election.

?My wife argues it?s almost better to lose the way we did because it all seems so irrational,? he said. ?But you lose, you lose. I wish I could say one way was fun. They?re both pretty bad.?

Over the next weeks, about 70 members ? most Democrats ? will cast their last votes, pack up their offices and head for the door. Some of the biggest names ? Senators Russ Feingold, Democrat of Wisconsin, and Arlen Specter, Democrat of Pennsylvania ? will join old timers, one-termers and others in their last walks up the stairs of the Capitol, now bathed in the silver light of fall, as elected officials.

The sweep of senior lawmakers from office in one of the largest electoral upheavals of Congress in decades, returning the House to Republican control, is among the most striking of changes in postmidterm Washington. Along with some retirements, ?the cumulative seniority lost is pretty great,? said Burdett Loomis, a political science professor at the University of Kansas.

Denial and bargaining are behind them, and some members who lost seem to have arrived at a shaky acceptance, shaped by their sense that the election was not about them.

?I don?t think the election had very much to do with me, and I don?t think it had much to do with my opponent,? said Representative Rick Boucher, a Democrat who had served Virginia?s Ninth Congressional District since 1983. ?That frustration and anger and desire to send a message transcended the knowledge my constituents had of my work in the district.?

Representative Earl Pomeroy, a Democrat who lost his Congressional seat in North Dakota, concurred: ?I don?t have a feeling of searing personal repudiation.?

Mr. Boucher, 64, says he is even feeling a sense of adventure. ?I?m pretty philosophical about it,? said Mr. Boucher, a part of the Blue Dog routing. ?There is almost a liberating quality looking for a new path in life.?

Perhaps not everyone has reached their postelection state of Zen. Mr. Specter and Mr. Feingold have kept relatively low profiles since their respective losses in the primary and the general elections.

When a reporter asked Mr. Specter in September about the Democrat who defeated him in his primary, he declined to be interviewed, citing a squash engagement. Likewise, Ike Skelton, the powerful chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, chose not to be interviewed about the end of his 34-year career, his spokesman said.

A career in Congress can be long, but the exit from glory is swift. Defeated and retiring members must vacate their offices at the end of the month, so that all freshmen and their staffs can have offices by opening day.

?There?s not much time for a losing candidate to mope,? said Mr. Pomeroy, who will soon head to the Capitol?s basement, where a cubicle with a single phone and computer await him to finish out the lame-duck session.

Over at the office of Representative James L. Oberstar, an 18-term Democrat who lost to a political novice in Minnesota, the maps, certificates and photographs with presidents are still hanging, but some are festooned with yellow Post-it notes indicating where they will end up. His children want copies of bills, and the Minnesota Historical Society will take other items.

Mr. Oberstar, who was tossed out with several state legislators from his area, said he was no match for the ?upfeed? from the powerful Republican ground game that moved against him. ?I expected to leave at some point, that I?d make that decision in due course,? he said. ?I?m not angry; I?m disappointed.?

Perspective has come in many forms. ?It?s fascinating,? said Representative Chet Edwards, Democrat of Texas. ?I received more votes in 2010 than I received in the last nonpresidential year, when I won by 58 percent. More people in my district voted this year than in 2008. It?s just a reflection of what an exception to the rule this election was.?

At the end of his campaign, he said, he was visiting a hospital in his district and ran into a couple who said they were supporters. Inquiring about their visit, he said, they told him: ?We lost our daughter earlier this year as the result of a drunk driver. And now our son has been in the I.C.U. for 30 days because a text-messaging driver ran into his car and amputated his leg.?

Mr. Edwards said: ?I tell you, it took my breath away. After a few tears and hugs, I called my wife and said if our biggest concern is that we have to look for a new job, we?re doing all right.?

For those Democrats who served ony one term, their entire tenure was a mad rush of seemingly politically toxic votes, ending in nearly instant repudiation. Still, who would trade it?

?I wouldn?t take anything for it,? said Representative Dina Titus, Democrat of Nevada, her eyes rimmed red, as she left the House floor the other night. Clutching a pair of high heels, Ms. Titus walked in her stocking feet into the members-only elevator, and the door slid quietly behind her.

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Happy Birthday: Windows turns 25 today

Today, on November 20, 2010, Microsoft Windows turns 25 years old. On November, 20 1985, Microsoft released Windows 1.0, a 16-bit graphic user environment that was considered to be state-of-the-art at the time. In the two and a half decades that followed, Microsoft became one of the wealthiest companies in the world as Windows turned into the de facto operating system installed on over 90 percent of computers worldwide.

Windows 1.0 fit on just two double-sided floppy disks and needed 256K of RAM (512K if you wanted to run more than one program at a time). It wasn't until Windows 3.0 that the operating system really started to take off, but this is where it all began:

Here's a timeline for the releases of Microsoft Windows operating systems:

  • Windows 1.0: November 20, 1985
  • Windows 2.0: December 9, 1987
  • Windows 2.10: May 27, 1988
  • Windows 2.11: March 13, 1989
  • Windows 3.0: May 22, 1990
  • Windows 3.1: April 6, 1992
  • Windows for Workgroups 3.1: October 27, 1992
  • Windows NT 3.1: July 27, 1993
  • Windows for Workgroups 3.11: November 8, 1993
  • Windows NT 3.5: September 21, 1994
  • Windows NT 3.51: May 30, 1995
  • Windows 95: August 24, 1995
  • Windows NT 4.0: August 24, 1996
  • Windows 98: June 25, 1998
  • Windows 98 SE: May 5, 1999
  • Windows 2000: February 17, 2000
  • Windows Me: September 14, 2000
  • Windows 2000 Advanced/Datacenter Server Limited Edition: August 29, 2001
  • Windows XP: October 25, 2001
  • Windows XP Media Center Edition: October 31, 2002
  • Windows Server 2003: April 24, 2003
  • Windows XP Media Center Edition 2004: September 30, 2003
  • Windows XP Media Center Edition 2005: October 12, 2004
  • Windows XP Professional x64 Edition: April 25, 2005
  • Windows Fundamentals (for Legacy PCs): July 8, 2006
  • Windows Vista (for Business use): November 30, 2006
  • Windows Vista (for Home use): January 30, 2007
  • Windows Home Server: November 7, 2007
  • Windows Server 2008: February 27, 2008
  • Windows 7 and Windows Server 2008 R2: October 22, 2009

The software giant has managed to sell 240 million copies of the latest version of its client operating system, Windows 7. The company is just starting to push its new mobile operating system, Windows Phone 7, but the sales are nowhere near the same level.

Let us end by saying a "Happy Birthday!" to Microsoft. May the next 25 years of computing be just as exciting as the world goes mobile.

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