Chrome extension and Kinect control the browser with gestures

A group of students at the MIT Media Lab Fluid Interfaces Group, devoted to move UI design past the typical keyboard-and-mouse interface, has turned the Kinect motion controller into a tool for Web browsing. They wrote an extension for Google Chrome called DepthJS (yes, it uses Javascript) so that surfers can manipulate the browser with just gestures.

The group has demonstrated fairly simple website navigation in their video, embedded below (via Engadget). Making a fist is for selecting while a swatting motion allows scrolling.

"DepthJS is a web browser extension that allows any any web page to interact with the Microsoft Kinect via Javascript," according to the video's description. "Navigating the web is only one application of the framework we built - that is, we envision all sorts of applications that run in the browser, from games to specific utilities for specific sites. The great part is that now web developers who specialize in Javascript can work with the Kinect without having to learn any special languages or code. We believe this will allow a new set of interactions beyond what we first developed."

For those of you that came here just to watch the video, here's a bonus one:

In the video above, the Munich-based software company Evoluce shows Windows 7 applications being controlled through Kinect. There's multitouch support, which we've seen before, based on the company's Multitouch Input Management (MIM) driver for Kinect. The user can easily zoom and resize images as well as draw using two hands at once.

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On Arms Treaty, White House Seeks a Republican?s Ear

WASHINGTON ? The White House might as well install a red-telephone hot line in Senator Jon Kyl?s house.

President Obama called last week. Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. phoned this week. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton and Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates have been on the line. Other officials dispensed with the phone to fly to Arizona to talk in person.

Suffice it to say, Mr. Kyl has the attention of the Oval Office these days. More than any other Republican in Congress, Mr. Kyl has become the target of administration energy as it seeks to persuade him to support a new arms control treaty with Russia ? or figure out how to circumvent him if he does not. ?They are much more focused now,? Mr. Kyl said in an interview.

Rarely has a single member of the minority party become so crucial to a president?s top foreign policy priority. By most accounts, Mr. Kyl, a burly, sober-minded lawyer and frustrated would-be scientist who has made himself into a nuclear expert, holds the key to whether the so-called New Start treaty will be approved this year as the president has demanded.

Mr. Kyl has played close to the vest since a statement last week declaring there was not enough time to consider the treaty in the lame-duck session of Congress. In his first interview since then, Mr. Kyl credited the administration with meeting many of his concerns, but said he was still not sure he could trust it to follow through.

He did not rule out a vote this year, but set conditions that might be hard for the administration to meet, including a long floor debate. ?If they try to jam us, if they try to bring this up the week before Christmas, it?ll be defeated,? he said. ?If they allow plenty of time for it, and I think it will take two weeks, then it?s a different matter.?

The attention represents a turnabout of sorts for Mr. Kyl, who has been overshadowed for years by his Arizona colleague, John McCain. A Nebraska native who moved to Arizona for college and law school, Mr. Kyl first won a House seat in 1986 and was elected to the Senate in 1994.

He has been a Senate workhorse and earned his way up to Republican whip, while compiling a more conservative voting record than all but four other senators, according to the American Conservative Union. By dint of his interest in nuclear issues, his caucus has deferred to his judgment on the New Start treaty and the nuclear modernization program he wants as a trade-off.

?He?s made it a passion of his, so when he talks, we listen,? said Senator Lamar Alexander, Republican of Tennessee. ?That doesn?t mean he persuades everybody. But he certainly has the attention of his Republican colleagues.?

The White House has been careful to treat him with respect. When some treaty advocates at a Nixon Center forum accused Mr. Kyl of playing politics, Gary Samore, the top White House arms control official, defended him, saying the senator was a ?great American? who genuinely cared about the issue. At a news conference where he warned against partisanship, Mr. Obama exempted Mr. Kyl. ?I believe that Senator Kyl wants a safe and secure America, just like I do, and is well motivated,? Mr. Obama said.

Privately, administration officials expressed anger and bewilderment at Mr. Kyl, contending that they had given him virtually everything he had sought. Arms control advocates have been more vocal. ?My conclusion is he?s acting in bad faith,? said Daryl G. Kimball, executive director of the Arms Control Association. ?He asked for more earlier in the fall and they have delivered.?

Mr. Kyl became interested in nuclear issues decades ago when one of his best college friends became a scientist at Los Alamos National Laboratory in New Mexico. ?It was always just fascinating to me,? Mr. Kyl said. ?I?m an amateur scientist ? I?m no good at it, but I?ve always been very interested.?

In Congress, he delved into arms control and made himself a resource for fellow Republicans. In 1997, he voted against the Chemical Weapons Convention. Two years later, President Bill Clinton wanted the Senate to approve the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. Senator Byron L. Dorgan, a North Dakota Democrat, vowed to ?plant myself on the floor like a potted plant? until the Republican majority allowed a vote.

Mr. Clinton and Mr. Dorgan underestimated Mr. Kyl, who had quietly rounded up votes against the treaty. Republicans called Mr. Dorgan?s bluff, brought the treaty to a vote and defeated it decisively, with just 48 senators supporting it, far from the 67 required. It was the first time since the Treaty of Versailles in 1920 that the Senate had formally rejected a major international security treaty.

?They played on people?s insecurities and they were able to get a pretty big vote,? Mr. Dorgan said in an interview. Mr. Dorgan said that he liked Mr. Kyl personally and that he must be taken seriously. ?He?s very smart and very relentless and determined,? Mr. Dorgan said.

Underlying Mr. Kyl?s views is a deep skepticism of Mr. Obama?s goal of eventually ridding the world of nuclear weapons, which he termed ?not realistic, not achievable and not wise.? He expressed concern that the New Start treaty would constrain missile defense and long-range conventional missiles, concerns the White House and Pentagon call unfounded.

Mr. Kyl finds unpersuasive Mr. Obama?s warnings that defeating the treaty would undercut the warming relationship with Russia while preventing nuclear inspections, calling it a conflicting argument since it presumes Russia is a partner and untrustworthy at the same time. Passing a nuclear treaty to secure cooperation on other issues is ?wrongheaded and foolish,? he said.

His priority, though, has been modernizing nuclear facilities at Los Alamos and elsewhere. The administration committed $80 billion over 10 years, but Mr. Kyl said most was not new money. After feeling ?essentially stonewalled? for months, the senator said the administration became more serious after Labor Day. This month, it increased the plan to at least $85 billion.

Mr. Kyl expressed satisfaction. ?We?ve probably got all we?re going to get out of them in terms of dollar commitments,? he said.

But he listed other concerns, including timing of construction and the composition of forces. ?I?ve come to the conclusion that the administration is intellectually committed to modernization now. No sane person could not reach that conclusion,? he said. ?Whether they?re committed in the heart is another matter. Suppose Start is ratified, and they no longer have to worry about that? Will they continue to press for the money??

The White House says yes, and will keep calling in hopes of convincing him.

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In Los Angeles, Mayoral Aide Weighs Bid for Higher City Hall Perch

It was the latest example of a City Hall turning to the private sector for assistance navigating public water: think Daniel L. Doctoroff, who held a similar position in New York.

Now, Mr. Beutner says that he may be setting his sights a bit higher ? moving, in effect, from being a Doctoroff to being a Bloomberg.

In an interview this week in his modest 13th-floor office in City Hall, Mr. Beutner said he was thinking of running for mayor when Mr. Villaraigosa?s term expires in 2013, leading some of his colleagues to draw comparisons to another business leader who went into politics, Michael R. Bloomberg.

?I?ve had a few people who have taken notice of what I?m doing and urged me to give some thought to it,? he said. ?I have never run for office. I didn?t take this office intending to run for office, and 2013 is a long time away. I figured I should give it some thought.?

Mr. Beutner, 50, who has lived in Los Angeles for just over 10 years, would certainly not be the first business executive to take a look at government and decide that it is a job he could do (though unlike most others, he has had an inside perch at this City Hall over the past year). And as a rule, the transition from business to campaigning is not easy, as Meg Whitman, the business executive who got crushed after spending over $140 million of her own money running for California governor this year, could tell Mr. Beutner.

At the very least, should Mr. Beutner run, he could inject a new element into an early field that consists so far of fairly well-known Los Angeles public officials who have worked their way up the system. By dint of name recognition, public record and network of connections in political, labor, fund-raising and business circles, any of them could be formidable opponents.

Among those considering a race are Zev Yaroslavsky, a longtime member of the County Board of Supervisors; Wendy Greuel, the city controller; Eric Garcetti, the City Council president; and State Senator Alex Padilla, who represents the city in Sacramento.

Mr. Beutner is strikingly low-key and low-profile (he does not even have his own listing in Wikipedia, though presumably that is about to change). He is given, in conversation, to lapsing into the jargon of government and business; it remains to be seen what kind of strength or spirit he could bring as a candidate.

What is more, his previous career in investment banking? he was a partner at the Blackstone Group, the private equity firm, and a cofounder of Evercore Partners, a boutique investment firm ? would no doubt be closely examined by rivals should he get into the race.

Mr. Beutner was recruited for the City Hall job by Jay Carson, the former Los Angeles chief deputy mayor who now works for Mr. Bloomberg?s private foundation. Mr. Carson said he had been encouraging Mr. Beutner to run.

In theory, at least, Mr. Beutner could use his personal fortune, which has allowed him to retire and work at City Hall for $1 a year, to have a financial advantage. But in the interview, he said that he did not intend to do that, arguing that it was important for a candidate to build a network of financial supporters as a part of an effort to present himself to voters.

?I certainly believe in myself,? he said, ?but I really think it?s important that whoever runs for office be prepared to go through a vetting process, not only community groups, but the media. If you don?t put yourself out there and let voters get a real sense of who you are good or bad, you are not going to win.?

In that sense, barring last-minute changes of heart, he would be different from Mr. Bloomberg, who has never shown a moment?s hesitancy in financing his own campaigns: he has spent well over $200 million in his various races for mayor. (Though it should said that Mr. Bloomberg?s wealth, estimated at close to $18 billion, puts him in a different financial stratosphere than Mr. Beutner.)

Mr. Beutner retired as an investment banker after breaking his neck in an accident while biking on the pitched trails in the Santa Monica Mountains, near his home in Malibu, in 2007. He was born in New York and grew up in Grand Rapids, Mich.

In a suggestion of the kind of argument he might offer should he run, he said that Los Angeles needed someone with broad business experience to help it through a difficult economic time and rebuild its economic base.

?We are facing challenges that this city hasn?t seen since its birth, in my view,? he said. ?We are facing record unemployment, long-range fiscal deficits, great challenges in educating our youths.?

Asked if he had told the current mayor his thinking, he responded, ?If I decide to run, I?ll talk to him.?

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Microsoft, Southwest Airlines and Santa Claus team up for in-airport photos [TNW Microsoft]

Getting your photo taken with Santa Claus at an airport makes a lot of sense. First of all, what else are you going to do while you?re waiting for your delayed flight? Shop at duty free? Unlikely.

Secondly, an airport would seem a perfect place for Santa to use for photo ops, since he can easily land and take off his sleigh on the runway (makes much more sense than a mall, doesn?t it?).

So with this in mind, Microsoft and Southwest Airlines reached out to the North Pole to get Santa to swing by 26 airports nationwide during weekends leading up to Christmas so that Santa can take advantage the convenience offered by airports (he must be really busy during the week with official Christmas stuff).

Travelers will get a free picture of themselves with Santa at kiosks at those airports and then can pick them up (and create customized greetings cards) online on Microsoft?s website.

Also, while you?re waiting in line to sit on Santa?s lap, you can of course learn all about Windows 7 and Windows Live, as well as register for daily giveaways, including flights from Southwest, a copy of Windows 7 Ultimate and a $500 cash.

No please excuse us ? we aren?t done writing our letters to Santa yet?

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Source: http://thenextweb.com/microsoft/2010/11/27/microsoft-southwest-airlines-and-santa-claus-team-up-for-in-airport-photos/

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Apple rejects magazine app about Android from App Store [TNW Apple]

Apple app rejection stories are about a dime a dozen at this point (though we do cover the most confusing rejections from time to time), but this one is just too darn funny to not pass onto you.

A Danish magazine publisher called Mediaprovider submitted an iOS app to the Apple App Store recently ? with probably a pretty good idea that it wouldn?t get approved. Why? Because the app was a digital magazine all about Android called ?Android Magasinet?. Eventually, Apple gave Mediaprovider?s managing director, Brian Dixen a phone call that went like this according to Denmark?s MediaWatch:

Dixon: ?So what?s the problem??

Apple rep named Richard: ?You know?your magazine?it?s just about Android?we can?t have that in our App Store.?

Hi-larious, though probably within Apple?s terms of service as one commenter points out that Apple probably doesn?t allow developers to ?promote a competing product?.

Dixen went on to tell MediaWatch, ?It?s funny really because I don?t think we would sell many magazines on Android through Apple App Store?? going on to say how frustrated he was about the process (him and countless others). At least there is a silver lining: Mediaprovider produces another magazine called ?iPhone Magasinet? ? which we?re guessing Apple won?t have any problems with.

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Source: http://thenextweb.com/apple/2010/11/27/apple-rejects-magazine-app-about-android-from-app-store/

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Crytek: the PC is "a generation ahead," but PS3 and 360 holding it back

Crytek believes that because developers are focusing on the PS3 and the 360, the game quality on the PC is being held back. This is happening despite the company saying that the PC is already "a generation ahead" of Sony's and Microsoft's consoles.

Crytek is currently working on Crysis 2 for all three platforms. The original Crysis was an exclusive for the PC. That being said, Crytek has already stated that Crysis 2 will be graphically superior on the PC.

"As long as the current console generation exists and as long as we keep pushing the PC as well, the more difficult it will be to really get the benefit of both," Cevat Yerli, founder, CEO, and President of Crytek, told the latest issue of Edge, according to CVG. "PC is easily a generation ahead right now. With 360 and PS3, we believe the quality of the games beyond Crysis 2 and other CryEngine developments will be pretty much limited to what their creative expressions is, what the content is. You won't be able to squeeze more juice from these rocks."

Developers have very low sales expectations for the PC, compared to consoles. It's a vicious cycle: the PC market doesn't give the same revenue as the console market, so companies don't spend much on the PC version of a game. This is certainly true for games like Unreal Tournament 3: it would have been much better had it been released as a PC exclusive.

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Source: http://www.techspot.com/news/41323-crytek-the-pc-is-a-generation-ahead-but-ps3-and-360-holding-it-back.html

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2 Brothers Will Rule in Wisconsin

The State Capitol here will undergo one of the most marked shifts in the nation after this month?s election, from Democratic dominance to Republican control. But another remarkable change is coming: Representative Jeff Fitzgerald was picked to be the next speaker of Wisconsin?s State Assembly, and Senator Scott Fitzgerald was chosen as majority leader of the State Senate, creating a rare fraternal alignment, experts say, for any state in recent memory.

While all sorts of relatives have served at various times in state legislatures (including husband-and-wife teams, siblings and, after this election, a mother-and-son duo among New Hampshire?s lawmakers), the Fitzgeralds? particular circumstances as simultaneous leaders of both chambers are extremely unusual.

?A lot of people think we turn it off at home,? Representative Fitzgerald said the other day of the brothers? propensity to talk politics and policy during daily cellphone calls, at family birthday gatherings and pretty much everywhere else they happen upon each other. ?But no,? he said. ?It only gets worse.?

The brothers, both conservative Republicans and veteran legislators, acknowledge that they battled as boys over the ?things boys fight about,? Senator Fitzgerald said. More recently, they have cast only a few opposite votes here and there, on the state budget, for instance, and on ethanol standards.

But in a Capitol in which some Assembly leaders have barely been on speaking terms with their counterparts in the Senate, the Fitzgerald brothers are predicting particular cooperation between the chambers (even if Senator Fitzgerald persists in portraying the Assembly as ?big, loud and raucous? and Representative Fitzgerald mocks the Senate for regularly heading home, so he asserts, by 2 in the afternoon).

At 47, Senator Fitzgerald is older, shorter and, even he acknowledges, more stubborn than his only brother. Representative Fitzgerald is 44, the jock of the family, and more laid back. Senator Fitzgerald followed their father, Stephen (a former sheriff of Dodge County) into politics in 1994, then Representative Fitzgerald ran a few years later ? blessed with built-in name recognition that most politicians could only dream of, but mildly worried, too, that there might be ?fatigue? over seeing yet another Fitzgerald on the ballot.

Representative Fitzgerald lives in Horicon, a small city 50 miles northwest of Milwaukee ? and five miles from Senator Fitzgerald?s Juneau home. Senator Fitzgerald represents his brother in the Senate, while Representative Fitzgerald?s district narrowly misses his brother?s home. They tease each other during the political season (?I?ve noticed a lot of your opponent?s signs in yards!?). They also have shared a political opponent, Vittorio Spadaro, who challenged one brother in one cycle, then the other.

Come January, the Fitzgeralds, who had grown used to leading the minorities in their chambers, will lead an Assembly of 60 Republicans, 38 Democrats and an independent and a Senate with 19 Republicans and 14 Democrats. Many legislators are new. Among the Democrats who lost jobs: the current Assembly speaker and senate majority leader.

Had one chamber flipped but not the other, the Fitzgeralds would not be nearly as optimistic about what comes next. The outcome of a divided Capitol, Senator Fitzgerald said, is ?horse trading instead of compromise, and you end up voting for some really bad garbage.? As it is, Representative Fitzgerald said he was preparing to reintroduce a series of jobs bills that went nowhere when Madison was run by Democrats.

Yet these will hardly be simple times. Wisconsin faces a budget gap ? more than $2 billion by some estimates ? and a majority of voters who were clearly searching for something other than what they had. ?I?m ready for it,? Senator Fitzgerald said. ?If we don?t ruffle feathers this time, I think people are going to say we?re not doing what we said we would do.?

Before their caucuses selected them this month, the Fitzgeralds worried that some might object to granting so much power to one family. ?Do you think they?ll let us?? Senator Fitzgerald remembered thinking. This is a nation that hates ? but also adores ? its political dynasties, and the Fitzgeralds easily won.

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Blog - Card Trick Leads to New Bound on Data Compression

Here's a card trick to impress your friends. Give a deck of cards to a pal and ask him or her to cut the deck, draw six cards and list their colours. You then immediately name the cards that have been drawn.

Magic? Not quite. Instead, it's the next best thing: mathematics. The key is to arrange the deck in advance so that the sequence of the card colours follows a specific pattern called a binary De Bruijn cycle. A De Bruijn sequence is a set from an alphabet in which every possible subsequence appears exactly once.

So when a deck of cards meets this criteria, it uniquely defines any sequences of six consecutive cards. All you have to do to perform the trick is memorise the sequences.

Usually these kinds of tricks come about as the result of some new development in mathematical thinking. Today, Travis Gagie from the University of Chile in Santiago turns the tables. He says that this trick has led him to a new mathematical bound on data compression

Gagie achieves this new bound by considering a related trick. Instead of pre-arranging the cards, you shuffle the pack and then ask your friend to draw seven cards. He or she then lists the cards' colours, replaces them in the pack and cuts the deck. You then examine the deck and say which cards were drawn.

This time you're relying on probability to get the right answer. "It is not hard to show that the probability of two septuples of cards having the same colours in the same order is at most 1/128," say Gagie.

He goes on to consider the probability of correctly predicting the sequence of cards pulled at random from a deck of a certain size and after a few extra steps, finds a lower bound on the probability of doing this correctly.

This turns out to be closely related to various problems of data compression and leads to a lower bound than has been found by any other means.

"We know of no previous lower bounds comparable to [this one]," he says.

That's impressive, a really neat trick in itself.

Ref: arxiv.org/abs/1011.4609: Bounds from a Card Trick

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Administration Is Bracing for Court Setbacks to Health Law

The judge, Henry E. Hudson of Federal District Court in Richmond, has promised to rule by the end of the year on the constitutionality of the law?s requirement that most Americans obtain insurance, which does not take effect until 2014.

Although administration officials remain confident that it is constitutionally valid to compel people to obtain health insurance, they also acknowledge that Judge Hudson?s preliminary opinions and comments could presage the first ruling against the law.

?He?s asked a number of questions that express skepticism,? said one administration official who is examining whether a ruling against part of the law would raise questions about whether other provisions would automatically collapse. ?We have been trying to think through that set of questions,? said the official, who insisted on anonymity because he was not authorized to discuss the case freely.

While many newly empowered Republican lawmakers have vowed to repeal the health care law in Congress, a more immediate threat may rest in the federal courts in cases brought by Republican officials in dozens of states. Not only would an adverse ruling confuse Americans and attack the law?s underpinnings, it could frustrate the steps hospitals, insurers and government agencies are taking to carry out the law.

?Any ruling against the act creates another P.R. problem for the Democrats, who need to resell the law to insured Americans,? said Jonathan Oberlander, a University of North Carolina political scientist, who wrote in The New England Journal of Medicine last week that such a ruling ?could add to health care reform?s legitimacy problem.?

So far, there has been only one ruling on the merits among nearly two dozen legal challenges to the health care act. Last month, a federal district judge in Michigan upheld the law. But another judge, Roger Vinson of Federal District Court in Pensacola, Fla., has joined Judge Hudson in writing preliminary opinions that seemingly accept key arguments made by state officials challenging the law.

Unlike the judge in Michigan, who was appointed by President Bill Clinton, both Judge Hudson and Judge Vinson were appointed by Republican presidents.

?We are not operating under the assumption that those two judges are inevitably going to rule against us,? the administration official said. ?But of course we?re planning for the possibility that judges will reach different conclusions.?

The novel question before the courts is whether the government can require citizens to buy a commercial product like health insurance. Because the Supreme Court has said the commerce clause of the Constitution allows Congress to regulate ?activities that substantially affect interstate commerce,? the judges must decide whether the failure to obtain insurance can be defined as an ?activity.?

Lawyers on both sides expect the issue eventually to be decided by the Supreme Court. But the appellate path to that decision could take two years. In the meantime, any district court judge who rules against the law would have to decide whether to block enforcement of one or more of its provisions, potentially creating bureaucratic chaos.

Such a decision would prompt a flurry of appeals, as the Justice Department almost certainly would ask the judge and then the appellate courts to stay, or delay, the injunction pending the outcome of higher court rulings.

Administration officials, as well as some lawyers for the plaintiffs, agree that Judge Hudson seems unlikely, based on his comments from the bench, to enjoin the entire law. The judge volunteered at a hearing last month that his courtroom was ?just one brief stop on the way to the Supreme Court.?

If he does not enjoin the law, the immediate impact of a finding against the insurance mandate would be limited because that provision, and others that might fall with it, do not take effect for more than three years.

Virginia?s attorney general, Kenneth T. Cuccinelli II, a Republican who filed the Richmond lawsuit, argues that if Judge Hudson rejects the insurance requirement he should instantly invalidate the entire act on a nationwide basis.

Mr. Cuccinelli and the plaintiffs in the Florida case, who include attorneys general or governors from 20 states, have emphasized that Congressional bill writers did not include a ?severability clause? that would explicitly protect other parts of the sprawling law if certain provisions were struck down.

An earlier version of the legislation, which passed the House last November, included severability language. But that clause did not make it into the Senate version, which ultimately became law. A Democratic aide who helped write the bill characterized the omission as an oversight.

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