Tool Creates Fresh Web Apps from Aging Code

A tool that lets developers turn existing software into fully functional browser-based applications is becoming an increasingly popular way to make business applications accessible via the Web.

Visual WebGui, an application originally run on a Web server using virtualization software and a layer of code that renders its interface functional in the modern Web standard HTML5, lets companies offer Web access to their applications without completely rewriting the code.

While it is possible to access applications through a browser using just virtualization, this can be slow for data-heavy business applications such as those used by banks and insurance companies. It also requires installing an application on the user's computer.

Made by Gizmox, of Tel Aviv, Israel, Visual WebGui is being used by companies and institutions such as SAP, IBM, Visa, Thomson Reuters, Shell, Texas Instruments, and Goodyear. So far, the company says, 35,000 apps built using its platform are in production. In June, Citrix, a major supplier of remote-desktop software, announced an investment of $2.5 million. The Gizmox platform works with Microsoft's .Net development, and Microsoft is partnering with Gizmox by promoting the software through its marketing platform.

"We decided we were going to look at the basic architecture of the Web and change whatever [was] necessary to reproduce the experience of the desktop in terms of richness, performance, user experience, and security," says Gizmox CEO Navot Peled. "We call it transposition. We can take a code that was written basically for an architecture that was targeting the desktop, put it through some processes and some tools, and generate code from the other side that can run on top of a Web server and be a Web application, cloud application, or mobile application."

Gizmox generates income by charging about 20 cents per line of code to use the company's code-conversion tools. The largest program so far had 7.5 million lines.

The technology requires 10 percent of the bandwidth and 50 percent of processing power of other virtualization-based solutions, enabling it to function on tablets and smart phones with lower-power CPUs.

"Anyone who can take corporate applications built on Microsoft tools and turn them into Web apps in a secure way?that's important," says Jonathan Medved, a venture capitalist turned mobile entrepreneur. "Anything that keeps them in the game relative to the burgeoning world of Web apps is very strategic for Microsoft, and for players like Citrix who have built themselves on Microsoft foundations."

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T-Mobile to start charging overages on low-tier data plan

T-Mobile will begin charging for overages on their low-tier data plans starting August 13. The change affects various 200MB introductory packages but could be a sign of things to come for all data subscribers.

T-Mobile?s current data packages don?t charge overages when customers surpass their allotted bandwidth, but rather throttle transfer speeds in an effort to curb further usage.

?Customers will incur overages of $0.10 per MB when they exceed 200MB of data ($10 for 100MB) up to a maximum monthly payment of $40 with both Value and Classic plans for data including the 200MB add-on fee,? T-Mobile said in a statement published by AllThingsD.

Customers will receive a text message from T-Mobile when they reach 180MB with the opportunity to upgrade to a different data plan featuring a higher usage cap. A second text will be sent when the 200MB mark is reached, again offering the option to move to a more expensive plan.

T-Mobile claims the 200MB plan has exceeded expectations and ?in order to remain competitive? the package will be grandfathered as of August 13.

T-Mobile isn?t the only wireless provider making changes to their unlimited plans. AT&T recently confirmed they will begin throttling broadband speeds later this year, although the change is said to only affect the top five percent of data users.

AT&T didn't say how much data the its heaviest users consume, but if it's any consolation, the company said you could receive thousands of emails, visit thousands of sites and stream hours of video each month without making the top five percent. It's unclear how much you'll be allowed to use before having your speeds reduced, nor has AT&T mentioned precisely how much they'll throttle data hogs. The change will go in effect starting October 1 and we assume the company will offer more details by then.

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Amazon Sees a Good Read in the Cloud

Yesterday, Amazon launched Kindle Cloud Reader, a Web browser-based version of its popular e-reading platform.

Built using HTML5, an emerging standard that lets Web applications function like desktop ones, the Kindle Cloud Reader looks and acts a lot like the Kindle apps created for the iPad, Android tablets, and PCs, even offering the ability to store content so it can be read in the browser offline. Experts say the move furthers Amazon's efforts to make Kindle the dominant standard for e-books.

Amazon's original Kindle, a device designed specifically for electronic reading, has long enjoyed dominance in the e-reader market. But Amazon has also built an empire that stretches far beyond this one device. The company gives away Kindle apps for a wide variety of devices, including PCs, Macs, Android tablets and phones, Windows Phone 7, Blackberry smart phones and tablets, and the iPad and iPhone. These free apps get readers to expect the Kindle format, and they encourage those who don't own a Kindle to build up a Kindle library.

The cloud-based app could extend Amazon's reach farther still. In a statement released at launch, Amazon noted that the Kindle Cloud Reader supports its philosophy of "Buy Once, Read Everywhere." The Kindle device and related apps all sync with one another via the cloud, so that a user can access her full library?with bookmarks, notes, and highlights intact?from any device.

Much of the early discussion around the launch has focused on the way the new app circumvents Apple's stringent App Store rules, because it can be accessed via the iPhone or iPad's browser, and doesn't need to be approved by Apple. Apple recently limited developers' ability to take users out of an app?such as by offering a link to make a purchase on Amazon.com. But publishing experts say that focusing on this squabble is shortsighted.

"The Kindle Cloud Reader is a game changer, from my perspective," says Kassia Krozser, owner of Booksquare, a site that tracks the publishing industry. "What really excites me about this platform is that it is browser-based; it uses the technology that people are using all day long. No special software is needed, no dedicated devices."

Krozser believes the browser is "the future of reading," since it gives aficionados the most flexibility and provides a familiar, easy-to-use environment for newcomers to test the waters.

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Money No Obstacle as Perry Joins G.O.P. Race

But it is a credential Mr. Perry is unlikely to highlight that could make him the most formidable entrant in the Republican race so far: he is among the top political fund-raisers in the country, with a vast network of wealthy supporters eager to bankroll his presidential ambitions, and he has the potential to energize Republican donors who have shown only limited enthusiasm for the candidates already in the race.

In three campaigns for governor, Mr. Perry has raised $102 million, including more than $39 million during his successful 2010 bid for re-election. The Republican Governors Association, of which Mr. Perry is chairman, raised a record $22.1 million during the first half of this year.

And in recent months, even as the candidate himself was being coy about his presidential ambitions, Mr. Perry?s campaign finance operation has shifted into high gear, holding meetings with dozens of the party?s top uncommitted donors around the country, some of whom have already pledged to raise money for him.

?He is the most successful fund-raiser in the history of Texas politics,? said Craig McDonald, director of Texans for Public Justice, a watchdog organization that tracks campaign spending. ?He may be the best in the country. He will have no trouble raising the money he needs for his presidential campaign.?

People familiar with Mr. Perry?s plans said that he would aim to raise up to $10 million within a few weeks of formally entering the race on Saturday while his rivals compete for votes in Iowa?s straw poll. That is twice as much as any Republican candidate except Mitt Romney has raised all year. Mr. Perry?s top ?bundlers?? supporters who gather checks from friends, family members and business associates ? could be asked to raise as much as $250,000 each, though campaign officials said that hard targets were still in flux.

To jump-start his fund-raising, Mr. Perry plans to hold events in nine cities from Aug. 29 to Sept. 1, according to an e-mail sent to his top donors on Thursday afternoon. ?We are trying to get in the first million dollars of contributions very rapidly, to give the campaign its initial capital so important to get off the ground well,? wrote George Seay, Mr. Perry?s Texas finance chairman.

?From a fund-raising point of view, he looks very formidable,? said Barry D. Wynn, a former chairman of the South Carolina Republican Party and a top fund-raiser for President George W. Bush. ?He?s battle tested with regards to his gubernatorial race. And I think a number of the people who have been pretty successful raising money for other campaigns are people he?s been able to make contact with.?

Last month, about two dozen current and potential Perry supporters met in Austin, the Texas capital, with members of the governor?s fund-raising team to discuss a potential run. Many of them had supported the presidential bids of Mr. Bush and of former Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani of New York in 2008. Mr. Perry?s aides did not ask for specific dollar commitments at the meeting, participants said, but several volunteered anyway.

?A number of people just volunteered that they were going to do their part in L.A. or San Diego or Palm Beach or Philadelphia or New York,? Mr. Wynn said. ?Without being asked, they said, ?We can do it.? ?

Mr. Perry?s strength as a fund-raiser reflects, in large part, his tenure as governor ? he is the longest-serving chief executive in Texas history ? in a state that is a treasure trove of Republican money and has few restrictions on political giving. And as a sitting governor, he has one advantage that the Republican field?s current top fund-raiser ? Mr. Romney, a former Massachusetts governor ? no longer enjoys.

In Texas, individuals and political action committees can give unlimited contributions to candidates for governor, and Mr. Perry has exploited that to the hilt: according to a study by Texans for Public Justice, half of Mr. Perry?s campaign contributions, roughly $51 million in the last decade, have come from 204 donors giving $100,000 or more. One couple, Robert Perry, a Texas homebuilder, and his wife, Doylene, who are not related to the governor, have given Mr. Perry more than $2.5 million over the years.

In a state whose government is fragmented among dozens of commissions, boards and agencies, Mr. Perry has also raised donations aggressively from his own appointees, an approach permitted by state law and practiced by governors of both parties. According to Texans for Public Justice, since taking office in late 2000, Mr. Perry has raised more than $17 million from 921 of his appointees or their spouses.

?Democrats and Republicans have traditionally done this,? Mr. McDonald said. ?But he?s taken it to a higher level than anyone else.?

In part because federal law caps at $2,500 the amount individuals can give to any one candidate during the primaries, Mr. Perry will not be able to raise money nearly as easily as he has in the past. But his top donors represent a corps of bundlers that any of his rivals would envy.

And thanks to loose campaign rules in the wake of the Supreme Court?s Citizens United decision, whatever money his wealthiest Texas supporters cannot give directly to Mr. Perry could easily end up in the coffers of one of the half-dozen or so ?Super PACs? ? technically independent groups that in the wake of the court decision can raise and spend unlimited amounts of money to support a candidate ? that have been set up in recent weeks by supporters and former Perry aides.

One such aide, Dan Shelley, recently formed two independent expenditure groups, Veterans for Rick Perry and the Jobs for Vets Fund. Another group, Make Us Great Again, was formed with help from Mike Toomey, a former chief of staff to Mr. Perry who is now an Austin lobbyist.

Mr. Perry is also poised to make inroads among donors who had hoped to back either Gov. Haley Barbour of Mississippi or Gov. Mitch Daniels of Indiana before each man opted out of running. Many of those donors have relationships with Mr. Perry through his work with the governor?s association.

?In my time around the R.G.A., Perry?s genuinely one of the handful of governors who?s really been active nationally,? said Henry Barbour, Haley Barbour?s nephew and a lobbyist in Mississippi. ?So he?s got those relationships, and I think that gives you a confidence.?

Mr. Barbour added, ?When you?ve asked people for $100,000, or $250,000, or even a million dollars, you can do this at the national level.?

Jim Rutenberg contributed reporting.

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Enter Rick Perry, Formidable Fund-Raiser

But it is a credential Mr. Perry is unlikely to highlight that could make him the most formidable entrant into the Republican primary so far: he is among the top political fund-raisers in the country, with a vast network of wealthy supporters eager to bankroll his presidential ambitions, and he has the potential to energize a Republican donor class that has shown only limited enthusiasm for the candidates already in the race.

In three campaigns for governor, Mr. Perry has raised $102 million, including more than $39 million during his successful 2010 bid for re-election. The Republican Governors Association, of which Mr. Perry is chairman, raised a record $22.1 million during the first half of this year. And in recent months, even as the candidate himself was coy about his presidential ambitions, Mr. Perry?s campaign finance operation has shifted into high gear, holding meetings around the country with dozens of the party?s top uncommitted donors, some of whom have already pledged to raise money for him.

?He is the most successful fund-raiser in the history of Texas politics,? said Craig McDonald, director of Texans for Public Justice, a watchdog organization that tracks campaign spending. ?He may be the best in the country. He will have no trouble raising the money he needs for his presidential campaign.?

People familiar with Mr. Perry?s plans say that he would aim to raise up to $10 million within a few weeks of formally entering the race, twice as much as any Republican candidate except for Mitt Romney has raised all year. Mr. Perry?s top ?bundlers?? supporters who gather checks from friends, family members and business associates ? could be asked to raise as much as $250,000 each, though campaign officials said that hard targets were still in flux.

To jump-start his fund-raising, Mr. Perry will hold events in nine cities between Aug. 29 and Sept. 1, according to an e-mail sent to his top donors Thursday afternoon.

?We are trying to get in the first million dollars of contributions very rapidly, to give the campaign its initial capital so important to get off the ground well,? wrote George Seay, Mr. Perry?s Texas finance chairman.

?From a fund-raising point of view, he looks very formidable,? said Barry D. Wynn, a former chairman of the South Carolina Republican Party and a top fund-raiser for former president George W. Bush. ?He?s battle tested with regards to his gubernatorial race. And I think a number of the people who have been pretty successful raising money for other campaigns are people he?s been able to make contact with.?

Last month, about two dozen current and potential Perry supporters met in Austin with members of the governor?s fund-raising team to discuss a potential run, many of them donors who supported the presidential bids of Mr. Bush or former Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani of New York in 2008. Mr. Perry?s aides did not ask for specific dollar commitments at the meeting, participants said, but several volunteered anyway.

?A number of people just volunteered that they were going to do their part in L.A. or San Diego or Palm Beach or Philadelphia or New York,? said Mr. Wynn. ?Without being asked, they said, ?We can do it.? ?

Mr. Perry?s strength as a fund-raiser reflects, in large part, his lengthy tenure as governor ? he is the longest-serving chief executive in Texas history ? in a state that is a treasure trove of Republican money and has few restrictions on political giving. And as a sitting governor, he has one advantage that the Republican field?s current top fund-raiser ? Mr. Romney, a former Massachusetts governor ? no longer enjoys.

In Texas, individual and political action committees may give unlimited contributions to candidates for governor, and Mr. Perry has exploited that leeway to the hilt: according to a study by Texans for Public Justice, fully half of Mr. Perry?s campaign contributions, totalling roughly $51 million, have come from just 204 donors giving $100,000 or more. A single couple, Robert Perry, a Texas homebuilder, and his wife, Doylene, who are not related to the governor, have given Mr. Perry more than $2.5 million over the years.

In a state whose government is fragmented among dozens of commissions, boards, and agencies, Mr. Perry has also raised aggressively from his own appointees, an approach permitted by state law and practiced by governors of both parties. According to Texans for Public Justice, since taking office Mr. Perry has raised more than $17 million from 921 of his appointees or their spouses.

?Democrats and Republicans have traditionally done this,? said Mr. McDonald. ?But he?s taken it to a higher level than anyone else.?

In part because federal law caps at $2,500 the amount individuals can give to any one candidate during the primary, Mr. Perry will not be able to raise money nearly as easily as he has in the past. But Mr. Perry?s top donors represent a corps of bundlers-in-waiting that any of his rivals would envy.

And thanks to loose campaign rules in the wake of the Supreme Court?s Citizens United decision, whatever money his wealthiest Texas supporters cannot give directly to Mr. Perry could easily end up in the coffers of one of the half-dozen or so ?SuperPACs? ? technically independent groups that in the wake of the court?s decision can raise and spend unlimited amounts of money to support a candidate ? that have been set up in recent weeks by former Perry aides and supporters.

One former Perry aide, Dan Shelley, recently formed two independent expenditure groups, Veterans for Rick Perry and the Jobs for Vets Fund. Another group, Make Us Great Again, was formed with help from Mike Toomey, a former chief of staff to Mr. Perry who is now an Austin lobbyist.

Mr. Perry is also poised to make inroads among donors who had hoped to back either Gov. Haley Barbour of Mississippi, or Gov. Mitch Daniels of Indiana, before each man opted out of running. Many of those donors have relationships with Mr. Perry through his work with the governor?s association.

?In my time around the R.G.A., Perry?s genuinely one of the handful of governors who?s really been active nationally,? said Henry Barbour, Haley Barbour?s nephew and a lobbyist in Mississippi. ?So he?s got those relationships, and I think that gives you a confidence.?

Mr. Barbour added: ?When you?ve asked people for $100,000, or $250,000, or even a million dollars, you can do this at the national level.?

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Enter Rick Perry, Formidable Fund-Raiser

But it is a credential Mr. Perry is unlikely to highlight that could make him the most formidable entrant into the Republican primary so far: he is among the top political fund-raisers in the country, with a vast network of wealthy supporters eager to bankroll his presidential ambitions, and he has the potential to energize a Republican donor class that has shown only limited enthusiasm for the candidates already in the race.

In three campaigns for governor, Mr. Perry has raised $102 million, including more than $39 million during his successful 2010 bid for re-election. The Republican Governors Association, of which Mr. Perry is chairman, raised a record $22.1 million during the first half of this year. And in recent months, even as the candidate himself was coy about his presidential ambitions, Mr. Perry?s campaign finance operation has shifted into high gear, holding meetings around the country with dozens of the party?s top uncommitted donors, some of whom have already pledged to raise money for him.

?He is the most successful fund-raiser in the history of Texas politics,? said Craig McDonald, director of Texans for Public Justice, a watchdog organization that tracks campaign spending. ?He may be the best in the country. He will have no trouble raising the money he needs for his presidential campaign.?

People familiar with Mr. Perry?s plans say that he would aim to raise up to $10 million within a few weeks of formally entering the race, twice as much as any Republican candidate except for Mitt Romney has raised all year. Mr. Perry?s top ?bundlers?? supporters who gather checks from friends, family members and business associates ? could be asked to raise as much as $250,000 each, though campaign officials said that hard targets were still in flux.

To jump-start his fund-raising, Mr. Perry will hold events in nine cities between Aug. 29 and Sept. 1, according to an e-mail sent to his top donors Thursday afternoon.

?We are trying to get in the first million dollars of contributions very rapidly, to give the campaign its initial capital so important to get off the ground well,? wrote George Seay, Mr. Perry?s Texas finance chairman.

?From a fund-raising point of view, he looks very formidable,? said Barry D. Wynn, a former chairman of the South Carolina Republican Party and a top fund-raiser for former president George W. Bush. ?He?s battle tested with regards to his gubernatorial race. And I think a number of the people who have been pretty successful raising money for other campaigns are people he?s been able to make contact with.?

Last month, about two dozen current and potential Perry supporters met in Austin with members of the governor?s fund-raising team to discuss a potential run, many of them donors who supported the presidential bids of Mr. Bush or former Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani of New York in 2008. Mr. Perry?s aides did not ask for specific dollar commitments at the meeting, participants said, but several volunteered anyway.

?A number of people just volunteered that they were going to do their part in L.A. or San Diego or Palm Beach or Philadelphia or New York,? said Mr. Wynn. ?Without being asked, they said, ?We can do it.? ?

Mr. Perry?s strength as a fund-raiser reflects, in large part, his lengthy tenure as governor ? he is the longest-serving chief executive in Texas history ? in a state that is a treasure trove of Republican money and has few restrictions on political giving. And as a sitting governor, he has one advantage that the Republican field?s current top fund-raiser ? Mr. Romney, a former Massachusetts governor ? no longer enjoys.

In Texas, individual and political action committees may give unlimited contributions to candidates for governor, and Mr. Perry has exploited that leeway to the hilt: according to a study by Texans for Public Justice, fully half of Mr. Perry?s campaign contributions, totalling roughly $51 million, have come from just 204 donors giving $100,000 or more. A single couple, Robert Perry, a Texas homebuilder, and his wife, Doylene, who are not related to the governor, have given Mr. Perry more than $2.5 million over the years.

In a state whose government is fragmented among dozens of commissions, boards, and agencies, Mr. Perry has also raised aggressively from his own appointees, an approach permitted by state law and practiced by governors of both parties. According to Texans for Public Justice, since taking office Mr. Perry has raised more than $17 million from 921 of his appointees or their spouses.

?Democrats and Republicans have traditionally done this,? said Mr. McDonald. ?But he?s taken it to a higher level than anyone else.?

In part because federal law caps at $2,500 the amount individuals can give to any one candidate during the primary, Mr. Perry will not be able to raise money nearly as easily as he has in the past. But Mr. Perry?s top donors represent a corps of bundlers-in-waiting that any of his rivals would envy.

And thanks to loose campaign rules in the wake of the Supreme Court?s Citizens United decision, whatever money his wealthiest Texas supporters cannot give directly to Mr. Perry could easily end up in the coffers of one of the half-dozen or so ?SuperPACs? ? technically independent groups that in the wake of the court?s decision can raise and spend unlimited amounts of money to support a candidate ? that have been set up in recent weeks by former Perry aides and supporters.

One former Perry aide, Dan Shelley, recently formed two independent expenditure groups, Veterans for Rick Perry and the Jobs for Vets Fund. Another group, Make Us Great Again, was formed with help from Mike Toomey, a former chief of staff to Mr. Perry who is now an Austin lobbyist.

Mr. Perry is also poised to make inroads among donors who had hoped to back either Gov. Haley Barbour of Mississippi, or Gov. Mitch Daniels of Indiana, before each man opted out of running. Many of those donors have relationships with Mr. Perry through his work with the governor?s association.

?In my time around the R.G.A., Perry?s genuinely one of the handful of governors who?s really been active nationally,? said Henry Barbour, Haley Barbour?s nephew and a lobbyist in Mississippi. ?So he?s got those relationships, and I think that gives you a confidence.?

Mr. Barbour added: ?When you?ve asked people for $100,000, or $250,000, or even a million dollars, you can do this at the national level.?

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HP Touchpad price slashed to $399

Merely a week after offering consumers a deep discount on its Touchpad tablet line, HP has decided to make the $100 price cut a permanent one. HP's 16GB and 32GB Touchpad models will now weigh in at $399 and $499, respectively. The price changes are effective immediately and are currently available at HP's web store.

Apple itself has stated that its own iPad is "aggresively priced" at $499 and despite iSuppli's claim that Apple also has the monopoly on tablet cost efficiency, HP seems to think it can undercut its superstar competitor. Making serious on its promise to become one of the top two tablet manufacturers, HP's American Channel Chief, Stephen DiFranco, says the price cuts will make the device more competitive. Although there are no official numbers, DiFranco claims the sales were "encouraging". The response was apparently so encouraging, HP seems to believe it has found the magic price point for its tablet.

"As you may be aware, over the weekend, we offered a $100 instant-savings promotion through both our consumer and commercial channels.  Despite the very short runway, we were pleased with customer response and, as a result, have made the decision to implement a $100 price drop on the U.S. list price of the HP TouchPad, enabling both HP and our channel partners to be even more price competitive in the marketplace.  Effective immediately, the HP TouchPad 16GB Wi-Fi will now be available for $399.99 and the HP TouchPad 32GB Wi-Fi will now be available for $499.99."

Source: Steve DiFranco, Senior Vice President, HP Personal Systems Group

This news also follows a substantial Web OS update (3.0.2), also courtesy of HP. The update attempts to address many of the performance issues that continue to tarnish the Touchpad. Some of those issues were outlined in our very own review of the tablet, although there was plenty to like about the device as well. This is the first Touchpad update to have been delivered OTA (over the air) and should have found its way to Touchpads everywhere days ago.

?In addition to the price cut, HP is still offering a $50 credit for those who purchased the tablet before the sale. Please be aware that the credit is only applicable to purchasing apps in the HP app store, but that is still an unusually generous consolotion to early adopters.

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Fight Harder, Voters Telling Congressmen

As lawmakers meet with voters back home in their districts, the message is often not ?Can?t we all just get along?? but rather a push to get back into the ring and fight harder, as they face the most partisan and intransigent factions of both parties.

In middle school auditoriums, retirement centers, recital halls and other such venues, angry constituents are deriding their representatives for the spectacle of the past month over the raising of the debt ceiling.

But in many cases, the anger is less about the dissension that brought the nation to the edge of default than frustration with both Democrats ? including President Obama ? and Republicans that their side had not been tough enough.

?I sometimes wonder,? said John Joslin, 70, a Democrat reflecting on Mr. Obama during a town hall-style meeting on Tuesday with Representative Betty McCollum, Democrat of Minnesota, ?Whose side is he on? He?s almost Republican. He?s just rolled over and rolled over and rolled over, and I hope that you, as a progressive, can somehow add some steel to his blood.?

Preston Davis, 48, of Payson, lamented at a town hall meeting in Utah with Republican Representative Jason Chaffetz, ?Republicans chasing Democrats to the left, and I hate it when the party deserts me.?

So far, the post debt-debate gatherings have neither the urgency nor the toxicity of those from the summer of 2009, when angry voters and interest groups came out slugging over health care. But what members ? with their eyes turned both to the new committee charged with deficit reduction recommendations and the 2012 campaign ? are finding back home suggests that tough times lie ahead in Washington.

Representative Tom Graves, Republican of Georgia, told an audience of about 100 in Fort Oglethorpe this week that he did not vote for a final deal to increase the debt ceiling, because: ?I believe compromises are what got us into this mess in the first place. You can?t compromise your way out of it.? He was met with thunderous applause.

Town hall-style meetings are an imperfect arbiter of voter sentiment. While the meetings draw plenty of local constituents, they are also a magnet for activists, as Democrats and Republican have learned the importance of packing the halls with supporters.

But as the raucous meetings in the summer of 2009 demonstrated, the tone of the meetings tends to frame the terms of the debate.

It is a reality that Representative Eric Cantor, the majority leader, made note of in a call with his members this week.

?When we are out with constituents who are voicing anger frustration and fear,? Mr. Cantor said, according to transcripts, ?in this economy, that?s understandable. We need to try to listen and address their concerns and show that we have acted and have a handle on the situation. We are going to continue to take our case to Democrats and the president.?

Members can often test their crowd with particular lines or references to bills. At a meeting here in Virginia Beach on Tuesday night with several lawmakers invited by the district?s Republican congressman, Scott Rigell, members spoke of a balanced budget amendment ? something many Republicans in Congress are seeking as part of any long-term deficit reduction deal ? which sent the audience to its feet.

In her meeting in St. Paul, Ms. McCollum tried to throw her audience some liberal red meat, even while preaching civility to those who heckled a man for advocating higher tax rates for high earners. ?Since the elections last fall,? she said, ?the Republican Tea Party has forced our country into one manufactured crisis after another.?

While most members got broad support from those who attend their meetings ? and are not there simply to protest ? others saw significant push back. ?What we?re going through right now doesn?t bother me,? said Representative Joe Walsh of Illinois, as he addressed 50 people in DeKalb on Wednesday night. The audience snorted in mocking laughter.

Mr. Walsh, who has been an outspoken critic of the debt ceiling deal and who is under fire after The Chicago Sun-Times reported that he owed thousands of dollars in child support, continued: ?I think this is good for this country because the country has finally woken up and is finally going to get serious about big problems. It?s like it?s asleep 40, 50 years and woke up and ?My God, the government has all these problems.? I think all this wrestling right now is good. I think we?re finally taking them serious.?

(Concerning his child-support debts, Mr. Walsh said: ?We?re trying to get this taken care of legally. I can?t and won?t talk about this publicly. This is a personal matter near and dear to me, it involves me, it involves my kids, it involves my family. I?m not going to publicly talk about that.?)

There is clear evidence that some liberal groups are stoking the partisan fires at meetings. A group called the American Dream Movement has been protesting outside meetings ? a small group formed here Tuesday night, and handed out buttons ? and other groups have also sent protesters or hostile questioners to meetings.

But the importance of adhering to ideological orthodoxy within the legislative process is often reinforced by members when they have a supportive crowd. First elected to the House in 2008, Mr. Chaffetz then defeated a six-term Republican incumbent, former Representative Chris Cannon. 

?If you want different results, you have to elect different people,? Mr. Chaffetz told his audience in American Fork. Noting that in the 2008 campaign, fellow Republicans campaigned against him, he said with glee: ?I love that; bring it on.? 

Wild applause.

Reporting was contributed by Robbie Brown from Georgia, Christina Capecchi from Minnesota, Mark Guarino from Illinois and Martin Stolz from Utah.

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8 From G.O.P. Trade Attacks at Iowa Debate

The simmering animosity that has been building among some contenders broke into full view during the two-hour debate, with Representative Michele Bachmann defending her legislative accomplishments, her economic ideas and her experience to serve as president. She batted away the criticism, smiling at times and swinging at others, trying to prove she could take the heat.

While the first votes of the Republican nominating contest are six months away, a sense of urgency already hangs over the campaign. Several candidates face a far earlier test and are struggling to avoid being embarrassed at the Iowa straw poll on Saturday ? the same day Gov. Rick Perry of Texas intends to declare his candidacy and join the Republican race.

Tim Pawlenty, a former Minnesota governor who is seeking to rejuvenate his campaign, repeatedly assailed Mrs. Bachmann?s record. He stood directly at her side and accused her of ?making false statements? and having ?a record of misstatements.?

?The American people are going to expect more and demand more,? he said. His criticism was so stinging, quiet jeers could be heard in the crowd. He added: ?If that?s your view of effective leadership with results, please stop, because you?re killing us.?

As the rest of the field looked on, Mrs. Bachmann shot back that Mr. Pawlenty pursued policies as Minnesota governor that sound ?a lot more like Barack Obama, if you ask me.? She cited his support for cap-and-trade environmental policies and for individual health care mandates.

The debate, which took place in Stephens Auditorium on the campus of Iowa State University, came at a moment of increasing intensity in the Republican campaign.

While the eight candidates were united in their criticism of Mr. Obama, with a particular focus on his economic policies and unemployment, the crosscurrents in Iowa overshadowed the larger issues in the race.

Mitt Romney, who was positioned at the center of the stage, sought to stay above the fray as he stood silently and watched the Minnesota politicians engage in their unusually sharp back and forth. He brushed aside a suggestion that he had not played a leading role in the debate over raising the nation?s debt ceiling.

?I?m not president now,? he said with a smile, ?though I would have liked to have been.?

Mr. Romney, who has raised more money and built a stronger organization than any other candidate, seemed to relish in steering clear of the fight. He defended his health care record as governor of Massachusetts and often resorted to humor.

When Mr. Pawlenty served up a gentle dig at Mr. Romney?s wealth, offering to mow just one acre of Mr. Romney?s estate, Mr. Romney laughed it off, saying, ?That?s just fine.? Later, when in a contrast to his previous debate performance, Mr. Pawlenty attacked Mr. Romney for his health care plan and compared it to the president?s plan, Mr. Romney simply joked, ?I think I like Tim?s answer at the last debate better.?

Mr. Romney was more willing to take on Mr. Obama. When asked if he would have vetoed the debt ceiling bill, Mr. Romney made clear that he disagreed with the final compromise with Congress.

?Look, I?m not going to eat Barack Obama?s dog food, all right?? he said. ?What he served up was not what I would have done if I?d had been president of the United States.?

Bret Baier, a Fox News anchor who served as the moderator, opened the debate by reciting a list of the challenges facing the country, from the downgrade in the nation?s credit rating, to the fall of financial markets, to the helicopter crash in Afghanistan that killed 30 American troops. He urged a civil conversation.

But the debate?s proximity to Saturday?s straw poll, a sink-or-swim moment for several candidates, led to the biggest display yet of combativeness among candidates who often evoke Ronald Reagan, but did not heed his 11th commandment, not to speak ill of fellow Republicans.

As Mr. Pawlenty tore after Mrs. Bachmann, Newt Gingrich went after the news media. Representative Ron Paul of Texas joined in the fight, taking exception to Mrs. Bachmann?s legislative record. Herman Cain, a businessman who has drawn large crowds in Iowa, dismissed all of his rivals as career politicians.

At one point, Rick Santorum, a former Pennsylvania senator, raised his hand for attention and asked moderators to be included. When he finally was given his turn, he went after nearly all of his rivals, accusing Mrs. Bachmann of ?showmanship, not leadership? by opposing raising the nation?s debt ceiling.

In the middle of it all, Jon M. Huntsman Jr., a former Utah governor making his debut on the debate stage, struggled to be heard. Again and again, he urged his rivals to focus on creating jobs.

?President Obama has had two and a half years to get it right,? said Mr. Huntsman, who served as ambassador to China in the Obama administration. ?He?s fundamentally failed us.?

Even as the Republicans debated here, Sarah Palin, who has yet to rule out a presidential bid, arrived in Iowa and planned to visit the fair on Friday. Her visit was being carefully watched for signals of her intentions.

Mrs. Bachmann was the only candidate asked directly about Ms. Palin. ?I like Sarah Palin a lot,? she said when the moderator wondered if Ms. Palin was stealing her thunder. ?We are very good friends.?

Other than a brief moment at the beginning of the second hour, when the debate returned from commercial break and Mrs. Bachmann was nowhere to be found, striding to her lectern just moments later, the Minnesota congresswoman kept her cool.

When Byron York, a conservative columnist at The Washington Examiner who was on the panel of questioners, asked Mrs. Bachmann about her vow to be submissive to her husband, Marcus, the audience gasped and then booed. She smiled, paused and replied, ?Thank you for that question, Byron.?

?What submission means to us, if that?s what your question is,? she added, ?it means respect.?

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Why so many Core i7-2600 flavours?

Why so many Core i7-2600 flavours?

Posted on 9th Aug 2011 at 11:35 by Clive Webster with 22 comments

There?s an interesting article over at Ars Technica, titled What processor should I buy: Intel?s crazy pricing makes my head hurt. That might seem a silly question at first: as the author points out, surely you just buy the most expensive CPU in the LGA1155 range. However, Peter Bright is no fool; looking closer at the specs and his requirements, the author struggles to make sense of Intel?s strategy with new features, performance and compatibility.

The problem is due to Bright?s desire to make a future-proof, fast PC that can run Visual Studio and Battlefield 3 easily. A Core i7-2600 is a no-brainer, but there are three flavours, with the S model even running at slower stock speeds to save 30W of power (it Turbo Boosts to the same 3.8GHz as the other i7-2600 CPUs, however).

Then there?s the toss-up between the i7-2600 and the i7-2600K ? the former has some interesting virtualisation and security features that Bright wants, but the latter has a better GPU and the ability to overclock. So which one is better? They both seem compromised and yet there?s a £10 ($23) price difference. The point is really, why has Intel disabled the useful VT-d and the potentially useful TXT logic from the i7-2600K?

Sure, TXT could be seen as a way to introduce hardware-based DRM to a home PC, but as Bright points out, it could also be very useful in preventing rootkits from slaving your PC to their nefarious desire (my melodramatic wording, not his).

Bright finds a solution to his quandary in the Xeon world, where there is a CPU that fits his needs, but then he?s stymied by the lack of Smart Response on official Xeon chipsets. So he?ll have to opt for the not officially supported combination of a Z68 motherboard with a Xeon processor. This should work fine, but for a PC you absolutely rely on for work (I assume) this isn?t a comfortable arrangement.

So why does Intel feel the need to disable potentially useful features from its supposedly top-end CPU when this will slow down uptake? And is the lack of Smart Response technology in any Xeon chipset a tacit admission that it?s not 100 per cent reliable? Conspiracy theories below please!

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